Thursday, October 31, 2019

Nancy Morejon Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Nancy Morejon - Essay Example There she absorbed and assimilated Afro-Cuban culture until she identified herself with the very essence of her beloved Havana" (Cordones-Cook 2003:33). Cordones-Cook (2003) asserts that Morejon in her poetry projects "a clearly matrilineal consciousness that establishes connection and filiation," a kind of sympathetic female bonding, with legendary female ancestors. Gonzalez (2005) would understand this as Morejn's poems referring to Yoruba deities, known as orishas, and honoring the "living dead," the eggun or ancestors. She said Morejon dominates these poetic spaces with words of wisdom from both the African ancestors and the orishas, who exercise their eternal influence. A study of her poems suggests that Morejn is obsessed with her past, and often uses poetry as a way of exploring it. It is in those poems that she revisits Africa, encounters the grandparents she never met, and experiences the hardships of slavery. As a result, she often gives voice to people who don't normally have one. Morejn is a strong believer that ancestors and loved ones who have passed on, continue to affect people's daily lives. Honoring the living dead or the ancestors may be seen from the perspective of communicating with them because of "Frustrations in personal life" as Xianglong (2007) would see it. Xianglong (2007) looked into filial consciousness into the thinking that intersects the past and future. Accordingly, frustrations in personal life are one occasion for a person to bridge the time and reach out to the dead. Indeed, in Morejon's culture, the spirits of ancestors are spiritual guides (Gonzalez-Wippler 1998:76). After death, spirits are said to remain around their relatives here on earth, for protection and guidance. Invoked in every religious ritual, they often participate in family decisions, giving their approval or disapproval in family affairs. Morejn's poem, "In Front of a Mirror," refers to the importance of "our dead ones" and how present they are in their daily lives If the parks blossom overflowing with fresh tulips then the boulevard brings in the scents of your loved ones, and, above all, of your dead ones. (Morejn in Looking Within 109) Morejon is conscious that the dead are ever with them - participating in their present conditions. Maier (2005) asserts that one poem closely identified with Morejon is "Persona." This poem, according to David Frye (2000), is a relatively recent one (1999), but it is also an update of the earlier "Mujer negra" ("Black Woman"). In "Mujer Negra" ("Black Woman)" she moves through various generations discussing immigration, slavery, poverty, rebellion and the independence movement (from Spain), and finally, affirmation of the Afro-Cuban as a human being after 1959. According to Maier (2005), this poem emphasizes the slave's point of view, and demonstrates the influence of ideological freedom found in the Cuban Revolution. She underscores the racial together with the feminist dimensions of Cuban nationalism by making the Black woman the central figure and the protagonist of the contemporary era "Black Woman," and "Persona," exemplifies well the characteristics for which Morejon and her work are known and admired. These traits include a strong identification with her family, with the

Tuesday, October 29, 2019

Origins of World War II Essay Example for Free

Origins of World War II Essay After the end of the First World War, the statesmen of all the major countries felt that such alarming war must anyhow be averted in order to ensure international peace, security and safety. This is why the League of Nations was set up and it was believed that such a ‘multinational’ organization would be able to peacefully settle all international disputes and guarantee peace and security in the international sphere. However, the success or failure of the League actually depended upon the attitude and activity of its members, particularly the Big Powers. But, unfortunately, soon it was found that the major Powers were at cross purposes. They adopted their foreign policy in their own interest and showed little respect to the principles underlying the League of Nations. Particularly, the dream of three allies – Germany, Japan and Italy was fundamentally different from the ideals of the Western Powers and Soviet Russia. The Trio (Germany, Japan and Italy) intended to have some share in the Afro-Asian areas which had already been divided among the Western Powers. Thus, it was really a conflict between two policies – â€Å"status quo† and â€Å"New Order†. Flouting the League The first shock to League of Nations was given by Japan. In 1931 Japan violated the League Covenant and the Kellogg Pact by occupying the Chinese territory of Manchuria and setting up a puppet state there. China appealed to the League which condemned this act of aggression and appointed a commission under Lord Litton to report. But the fulmination of the League had no effect on Japan who, when the commission’s report went against her, withdrew from the League in 1933. The defection of Japan was a serious blow to the League. But worse was to come when Germany had begun secretly rearm to arm as soon as Hitler came into power. But after the failure of the Disarmament Conference, Hitler came into the open. In 1935, he repudiated those clauses of the Treaty of Versailles which had imposed limitations on her armed strength, and reintroduced conscription. In the next year he denounced the Locarno Treaty and re-occupied and refortified those zones of the Rhineland, which had been demilitarized by the Treaty of Versailles. The Great Powers were at cross purposes and so nothing was done to resist Hitler’s insolent violation of the treaty obligations. Italy under Mussolini pursued an imperial policy and in 1935 made an unprovoked attack upon Abyssinia, a member of the League. The emperor of Abyssinia, Haile Selassie, appealed to the League against the act of wanton aggression. The League declared Italy to be the aggressor and recommended the application of economic sanctions. The Italian campaign was short, swift and brutal. After some resistance Haile Selassie fled abroad and his capital Addis Ababa was occupied by Italian troops. The King of Italy was proclaimed Emperor of Abyssinia. Italy withdrew from the League of Nations in 1936. Foreign Policies and International Relations When Hitler came to power he was pledge to recover for Germany the position of power and importance which she had held before the First World War. He envisaged the formation of a ‘Third Reich’ or empire which would include all Germans in a new or greater German state. This involved the ultimate absorption of Germans in a new or greater German state. This involved the ultimate absorption of German-populated regions of Austria, Czechoslovakia and Poland. The dictated treated treaty which Germany had been forced to accept stood in the way of realizing his ambition. Hence Hitler was determined to tear away the Treaty of Versailles which had imposed humiliating restrictions upon Germany, and to make her a power to reckon with. His first significant step in this direction was to withdraw from the Disarmament Conference and to announce a program of conscription. Next he left the League of Nations and openly flouted it by occupying the demilitarized Rhineland. England, France tamely acquiesced in this violation of treaty obligation and so Hitler was encouraged to take larger risks. The Phony War-the events of Europe especially the civil war associated with Spain prove beyond doubt that the shadow of Fascism was falling across Europe, long before the actual outbreak of World War II. The Spanish civil war which broke out in 1936 was an event of utmost importance. It has been aptly called the ‘Little World War’ because it involved all other powers. The Spanish civil war was a prelude to World War II. In Spain, Italy and Germany is defiance of the principal ‘Collective Security’ undermined a democratic government and Britain and France demonstrated a complete callousness which resulted in the victory of Fascism in Spain. The outcome of Spanish Civil War foreshadowed that, in future, Fascisms might apply the same tactics on a bigger scale. The smoldering discontent against monarchy forced Alfonzo XIII of Spain to leave the country in April 1931. Immediately afterwards President Zamora declared Spain to be republic. In Spain the extreme republicans started anti-clerical riots and centrifugal tendencies demonstrated themselves in the attempt to establish autonomy in Catalonia and certain other provinces. The election of the Constitutional Assembly on June 28, 1931, showed a definite landslide for republicanism and in the Cortes the socialists with 117 seats became the largest single group. Spain adopted a radical republican constitution based on German, Soviet and Mexican model with a president and a cabinet responsible to the Cortes. The Church was deprived of its hold over education and civil liberties were guaranteed. Expropriation of the large landed estates proceeded apace. Most of these reforms were carried out by the radical minister Manuel Asana. In the election of 1933 the Asana government fell the Cortes was dominated by a moderate coalition ministry which did not enforce the laws against landed estates and church. Premier Lerroux tried to establish a pro-Fascist government and suppressed the radical opposition. President Zamora now dissolved the Cortes and ordered fresh election in 1936. In the election of February, 1936, the popular Front parties composed to republicans’ socialists and communists secured 258 seats and the right parties 215. Asana became the president and Santiago Cascaras Quiroga became the Premier. The government had to face immediate opposition from unruly groups like Spanish Phalanx and the Army. The attempt of the Government to steer a middle course failed to quell disturbances and the Fascists after careful preparation staged a military revolt on June 18. Military revolts took place in a number of garrison towns in Spain and Spanish Morocco. During the Spanish imbroglio Hitler had learnt all he needed about the weakness of the victors of Versailles. He had found that this intervention in Spain had not met with any resistance from the powers and so he was emboldened to embark upon a policy of naked aggression. He turned his attention to Austria whose union with Germany had been expressly prohibitive by the treaty of Versailles. He encouraged Nazi agitation within Austria, bullied the Austrian chancellor into appointing a Nazi minister and forced him to agree to conduct foreign affairs as Germany’s dictator. Germany and Italy were naturally interested in installing a Fascist power in Spain. The Salazar government of Portugal saw in the radical republic the germs of Bolshevik state and activity aided and abetted in its downfall. Italy and Germany saw in the rise of a Fascist Spain great advantage to their cause. Ideologically the adherence of Spain would help the spread of Fascism and materially it would weaken France increase the possibility of exploiting Spanish mines and raw materials in a future war against democracies and strengthen the hold of Italy in the Western Mediterranean. The Labor opposition strongly urged help to Government legally constituted. But Stanley Baldwin and even Churchill, who opposed the Nazi aggression on every other issue, felt that nothing could be done for helping the Republicans. The behavior of the French government during this period was an enigma to the rest of the world. The Republic was in dire need of more arms but contrary to all expectations the French Popular Front government prohibited all export of arms to Spain on July 25, 1936. This was a violation of an earlier agreement whereby France had undertaken to supply arms to Spain. The British government was steering a middle course. It was unwilling to alienate Italy whose friendship was earnestly sought for as a counterpoise to Nazi Germany. When Blum suggested the formation of a Committee of Non-Intervention it was welcomed. This committee was formed in August 1936, with twenty seven nations. The purpose of the committee was to enforce the agreement reached among powers to hold a ring around Spanish Civil War so that others might not be involved in it and to prevent any military aid on either side. The Fascists power had no intention of letting down Franco and while Britain and France meticulously applied the principle of non-intervention to prohibit export arms to Spain, the rebels received planes, munitions and men from Germany, Italy and Portugal. Thus while the legitimate government of Spain was deprived of all aids from outside and ran short of the sinews of war, in the name of non-intervention, the rebels secured active foreign aid. The League Council passed a resolution in May 1936, and directed all other states not to intervene in the Spanish Civil war. The Fascist powers were now free to act as they liked Spain. Men and arms poured to the rebels while the legitimate government suffered from lack of supply due to the intervention of the Committee of Non-intervention. The dubious role of the Non-Intervention Committee merely provided a shield for Fascist aggression in Spain. Italy and Germany were allowed to strike another blow at the democracies. Next in 1938 he poured troops into Austria and incorporated it in Nazi empire. Till now Italy had been the most effective protector of Austria, but she was now busy with her own acts of aggression in Abyssinia and so did not interfere with a fellow aggressor. The ease with which Hitler had annexed Austria whetted his territorial appetite and encouraged him to further acts of aggression (Paul 59). Czechoslovakia an artificial creation of the peace treaties contained a considerable element of German population. Hitler first began a ‘war of nerves’ by a bombardment of accusation, abuse and menaces and then declared that his patience had been exhausted. He peremptorily demanded that Sudetenland which was predominantly inhabited by the Germans should be ceded to the Reich and that he would take it by force it peaceful means failed. At that time, Chamberlain, the British Prime Minister, tried to persuade Hitler to resist himself. Soon the Munich Pact was signed by the Big Powers and they intended to satisfy Hitler by giving him Sudetenland of Czech-Slovakia. As Fleming observes, â€Å"Nations have often being conquered by enemies, but never before a proud and worthy people been bludgeoned into submission by its own allies† (Fleming 56). Thus, Hitler was encouraged to proceed towards Poland and soon the crisis further aggravated. Original of world war II- having taken Memel Hitler began to mature plans for an assault upon Poland. He demanded the Danzig should be incorporated in the German Reich and the Polish Corridor should be ceded to Germany. This was the last straw. Chamberlain gave up his policy of appeasement and announced that in the event of an aggression on Poland, Great Britain would come to the rescue the Polish government. Thus, when Germany attacked Poland, the Second World War broke out, because Britain and France now realized that the policy of appeasement ended in a fiasco (Ray 112). So long, Hitler had intended to neutralize Britain and had signed a non-aggression Pact with Soviet Russia. Naturally, he thought that now he would find little resistance against his plan of occupying the Polish Corridor. In fact, he desired to localize the the Polish war on which he had set his heart. To isolate Poland, Hitler now attempted to win Great Britain. In a message, delivered verbally to the British Ambassador, Sir Neville Henderson, he expressed his desire to solve in his own way the question of Polish Corridor and Danzig, but at the same time, he pledged himself for the continuance of British Empire. He even expressed his readiness to render German assistance, if required, to Britain. On August 28, the British Government proposed direct negotiation for resolving the differences between Poland and Germany. Hitler in reply demanded that Warsaw should send an emissary with full powers to negotiate with German government. The proposal had no chance of being accepted and the British government in reply sent a counter-proposal of a restoration of normal contact. It was presented by Neville Henderson to Foreign Minister Ribbentrop on August 30. On September 1, the German army marched into the Polish territory to execute ‘Case White’. A last-minute effort for peace by Mussolini failed and the Anglo-French Powers declared war on Germany on September 3, 1939. Conclusion Thus, the outbreak of the Second World War was not at all a surprising affair. In fact, the Big Powers pursued different policies in self interest and when their unity was badly needed, they differed with from one another. Soviet Russia alone emphasized on the policy of a united stand, because it believed in the doctrine ‘peace is indivisible’. However, the capitalist countries like Britain and France talked with it for common safety but, in reality, they adopted a half-hearted policy. While France was directly involved in a rivalry with Germany, Britain intended to keep a safe distance. As Winston Churchill, the former British Prime Minister, held â€Å"Clemenceau or Poincare would have left Mr. Baldwin no option† (Churchill 154). In other words, France intended to fight against German militarism, but Chamberlain was not ready to join it. America was outside the league at that time, and hence, it had no responsibility to prevent the Global War. The Spanish Civil War and the weakness of France actually encouraged Hitler to continue his aggressive policy (Fleming, The Origin of the Cold War, 62). Moreover, Italy and Japan were longing for some territorial advantage against the wishes of the Western Powers. In such circumstances, a Global War was the only inevitability.

Sunday, October 27, 2019

US and EU Approaches Towards Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

US and EU Approaches Towards Israeli-Palestinian Conflict The discipline of International Relations is both an academic as well a public policy arena, which emerges from political science. It is the subject and channel of International Relations, which adequately addresses a foreign policy of a state within the confines of an international system. International relations also take into account role of international organizations, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), as well as multinational companies/corporations. Since the primary objective of international relations is both an analysis as well as formulation of a foreign policy, it could either be positive, or normative. In order for a foreign policy tube either positive or normative, it has to inculcate such diverse areas and subjects as political science, economics, history, law, philosophy, area studies, sociology, cultural studies, and a number of other social sciences; hence its utility for both analysis as well as formulation of foreign policy. In addition, it also includes and addresses such varied set of issues as economic development, foreign aid, environmental movement, nationalism, nuclear proliferation and human rights. However, for international relations to be practically applicable, effective, or at the least in the realm body of ideas, there are various theories, which ultimately lead us to the real world of policy. International relations theories thus provide a set of guidelines allowing us to agree to, as well as arrive at shaping better international outcomes. In addition, international relation theories allow for a better understanding of world events, and wherever necessary, provide for better solutions to the numerous issues and problems faced by the world community. One may also note that any theory, including the various international theories may not provide for answers to all the problems and issues faced by the world community; yet they do provide and assist us in first thinking about and then finding probable and the most viable solutions to the horde of problems and issues faced by the world community. At the onset, international relation theories can and do provide us with alternatives, and possibly even anticipate the various courses of international events in the global spectrum of politics. Some of the most common and practiced international theories include â€Å"Constructivism, Institutionalism, Marxism, and Neo-Gramscianism. Yet, the most dominant international theories, or rather the schools of thought which have been practiced in international politics include the international theories of Realism and Liberalism (Walt, 1998, p29. Introduction Having briefly touched upon the subject of international relations and international relation theories, the following dissertation will strive to address the said two disciplines within the context of one of the past centuries most disputed international issue; the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The dissertation will thus address this pressing international issue from the perspective of various international theories, with a particular focus on the different approaches taken by the United States of America, and that taken by the European Union. For a better understanding of the different perspectives and approaches taken by the United States of America and the European Union respectively, it would only be imperative that an equal and in-depth study the various international relations theories be also made part of this dissertation. The study of the more dominant, if not all the international theories becomes all the more importance as both the United States of America and the European Union group of nations each follow a somewhat different set of strategies in their international relations. The same is true for Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as both the United States of America as one international player, and the European Union group of nations as the second major player each address, view, and practice more than just a passing difference to one of the present days most pressing international conflict. As the present dissertation addresses the primary subject of the recent different approaches of the United States of America and the European for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular, and the Middle East Peace Process in general, it would only be imperative to commence the paper with the respective international relation theories, and through the study of these theories, present how respective international relations theories have influenced the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The following dissertation will thus strive to address the various international relation theories in brief, namely the theories of ‘Realism, Liberalism, and Constructivism,’ Though all these international relation theories enjoy their distinct places in international relations and politics, the theories of Realism and Constructivism are the ones that are practiced more commonly. Since these two theories comprise and are considered standard policy, the same will comprise of majority of the discussion in the present dissertation. The international relations theory of realism being the most widely practiced, and the fact that it is this vital theory that has been at the helm of most, if not all US foreign policies, the same has also been adopted by majority of nations friendly with the United States, or have been her allies at one time or another. This will be followed by a discussion of the second most vitally important international relations theory, that of ‘Constructivism’. It is this theory of constructivism that has largely been pursued by majority, if not all the European Union nations. The primary distinction between the theory of realism and that of constructivism is that, the theory of realism premises on the realist approach, as the term so states. On the other hand, the theory of constructivism largely relies on softer modes of communication, negotiation, socialization, and pursuit of ends through peaceful measures. The dissertation will then proceed with discussions on both the United States and the European Union nations, and address the perspective and approach taken by each on the issue of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in light of the pertinent international relations theory. Some of the Dominant International Relation Theories In Brief  International Theory of Realism One of the primary topics to be discussed in the present dissertation is the role or perspective of the United States of Americano the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and show whether the United States is influenced by ideas from the international relation theory of â€Å"Realism. In this context, it would only be imperative to present brief on the international relations theory of Realism, some of its key assumptions, and then arrive at the US approach respectively. A brief on the international relations theory of Realism reveals that it has often been associated with German terms of real and realitatimplying substantive or as the term so states real; and politikimplying politics or policy. Both these terms were perhaps first coined by one of Germanys leaders in the earlier part of the 20thcentury, Bismarck. In his attempts to bring about a suitable balance of power amongst the various European states, Bismarck sought peace as one of the most viable solutions in the then Europe of the earlier 20thcentury. Bismarck was aided by a number of realpolitik practitioners â€Å"who worked equally hard to avoid an arms race in Europe. Bismarck’s efforts however did not bear any fruit, as the early part of the 20thcentury witnessed arms race amongst the various nations of Europe, as well as formation of various alliances culminating in one of humanity’s first ever global tragedies, that of World War I. Some of the principle theorist of the international theory of â€Å"Realism â€Å"includes Carr, Kenneth N. Waltz, and Hans J. Morgenthau. However, it was Morgenthaus Politics Among Nations, which perhaps formally systemized classical Realism. According to Margenthau, there exist six principles, which he outlined in his famous book, Politics Among Nations. These six points are presented in the first chapter of his above said book. These vitally important facets of Morgenthau’s Theory of Realism are: International relations †¦is governed by objective laws that have their roots in human nature. The key consideration †¦is the concept of interest defined in terms of power’. †¦Interest defined as power is an objective category which is universally valid, although its exact meaning may change with time and circumstance. While moral principles have a place, they cannot be defined identically at every time and place, and apply differently to individuals and the state. The moral aspirations of a particular nation†¦ are not moral laws that govern the universe. Politics is an autonomous sphere that needs to be analysed as an entity, without being subordinated to outside values (Morgenthau, 1973,Chapter 1) International Theory of Realism In-depth studies on the international relations theory of Realism â€Å"reveal that there exist a number of primary assumptions, which guide the followers, or practitioners of the Realism theory. One of the first assumptions of Realism theory is that the entire international system is anarchic implying that that is the state alone is the supreme authority, and no other state or states can or have the capacity to regulate the affairs of another state. The theory of Realism further assumes that any higher supreme authority cannot dictate a state, and that there is no existence of any world government. This implies that each state must strive to create relations with other states on their own, instead of being dictated to do so. The theory of Realism â€Å"further assumes that there is no role for any international organization, non-governmental organization, or multi-national corporation in the affairs of the state, and that the sovereignty of astute governs all the international affairs. Thus, following the assumptions of the theory of Realism, a state is a rational actor amongst the community of global nations, and will always strive toward sits self-interest, which in turn call for ensuring the state’s security. Continuing with the theory of Realism, the same state will take all measures to secure its status as a sovereign nation including but not limited to amassing of resources, and relations with other states to be determined by the respective level of power enjoyed by the other state/s. The level of power in turn is assessed from the respective states economic and military capability. Perhaps the most stringent assumption inherent in the international relations theory of â€Å"Realism is its belief that states are inherently aggressive, and further that a states economic or military expansion can only be limited by the powers of the opposing state. (Waltz, 1964; Karl et al,1969; Mearsheimer, 1994) A further insight into the international relation theory of â€Å"Realism shows that it is divided into two sub-schools of thought, namely maximal realism and minimal realism. The first sub-school of realism, the maximal realism asserts that a state enjoys the status of the most powerful entity in the world, and that all other states ‘align themselves with this powerful state, and that too in their own interest and out of political necessity. The theory of maximal realism further assumes and somewhat asserts that, if there are two equally powerful entities in the world, it presents an unstable international political scenario. A prime example to this respect is that of period of Cold War between the Soviet Union and the United States of America. According the maximal theory of Realism, such a situation will eventually lead to a stable international situation where one entity or state becomes more powerful, while the other into a less powerful entity respectively. (Waltz, 1964; Karl et al, 1969; Mearsheimer, 1994) The second sub-school of Realism, that of minimal realism ‘assumes that the smaller and less powerful entities or states will align themselves with the most powerful entity in the world, and this would be brought about to protect the interests of the smaller and less powerful states from the interests of the larger and single most powerful entity or state. The theory of minimal realism also assumes middle policy where two equally powerful states exist, and where the smaller and less powerful states may align themselves with either of the larger powerful state. The choice of selecting one of the larger and powerful states depends on the smaller states policies of the moment. This also implies that the smaller state may remain aligned with both the powerful states at the same time, yet pursue and align with one state keeping in view the interests and policies on a given area of politics, issue, or social problem. (Waltz, 1964; Karl et al,1969; Mearsheimer, 1994) International Relations Theory of Neo-Realism There exist yet another school of thought, one that is termed sane-realism. This was first coined by Kenneth N. Waltz in 1979, and was in fact an attempt at reformulating the original theory of ‘Realism in a modern and scientific perspective. One of the most works of Waltz was The Theory of International Politics, which aimed to rid the original theory of Realism of its defects. The Neo-Realism ‘school of thought, with Waltz as one of its first proponents assumes and addresses the international relations in terms of the various ‘structural properties of the international system’ which focuses on the distribution of power. The Neo-Realism theory in international relations somewhat rejects the variable of human nature in both times of war as well as peace. The neo-realism theory also neglects domestic politics of a given state, which is perhaps the darkest element of this theory. Neglecting domestic policies of states in turn paves the path for conflict and move towards war, both of which are primarily detrimental to the respective state as well as its populations. In addition, neo-realism theorys primary assumption that the international system is anarchic, as also reiterated in the opening lines of theory of realism, further confirms the theorys own assumptions that conflict and war cannot be avoided. In times of anarchy, as are the assumptions of the neo-realism theory, states pursue goals of security, either through self-help such as amassment of economic and military resources, or through the formation of alliances with those who enjoy the status the most powerful states in the world. However, the pursuit of security goals for a particular states through the neo-realism theory, whether through self-help, or through the alliances with other organizations both is somewhat practical for a short period only. As this theory does not provide a permanent solution to the security needs of that respective nation simply due to the ‘security dilemma where each state is witnessed to ever vigorously pursue attempts to improve its security, in turn provoking other states to do the same. The result of such conflicting approaches is none other than an insecure state, a condition that originally prompted the state to take or adopt policies according to the theory one-realism respectively. (Waltz, Theory of International Politics) Yet another equally negative element of the neo-realism theory is its rejection of international institutions, which normally serve as regulators of state behaviour as well as promotion pdf peace. According to the theorists of neo-realism, the international institutions are entities of self-interested great powers. The role of international institutions as per the theorists of neo-realism is limited to reflection of, instead of providing a concrete shape to the existing distribution of power in a given state. Furthermore, it is the balance of power and its pursuit, which holds true for followers of neo-realism theory. For the governance of, and pursuit of accomplishing a balance of power, the greater and more powerful entities or states acquire both the economic means as well as military strength/power. When both the said tools too are presumably insufficient, the strategy of forming alliances with stronger and more powerful powers is then pursued(Waltz, 1964; Karl et al, 1969; Mearsheimer, 1994) International Relations Theory of Constructivism The theory of Constructivism is also an important theory practiced in the arena of international relations with places particular emphasis on identities, norms, and culture in world politics. The theory of Constructivism thus allows for identities and interests of states to be used as tools for interactions, as are institutions, norms, and cultures utilized. The importance is therefore given to the different processes, rather than the structure of different actors and institutions not only for interaction, but also for arriving at peaceful means and resolutions of equally varied issues and conflicts in the realm of international relations, (Wendt, 1992). Constructivism as an international theory also explains the role of human consciousness in addressing the various problems and conflicts in the international arena of politics. Thus, one may note that the human action including the human capacity as well as the will of the respective people are duly utilized in order to nurture a deliberate attitude and highlight the significance of a given issue, such as our subject conflict of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It is the combination of the said human capacity and the will which in turn are responsible for the creation of social facts, or aspects which are dependent on the consensus of a given human agreements including but not limited to money, sovereignty and property rights respectively. The international relations theory of constructivism also explains the importance of identities and interests of the different parties to an issue or a conflict, and the fact that these parties or actors music-exist and share common factors as cultural beings. The said different parties also includes the state as one of the social actors, which in turn is bound to follow both international and domestic rules. The state in turn has to follow certain set or rules, norms, institutions, and identities, and thus allow the international relations theory of constructivism to offer new concepts for addressing and perhaps even resolving given issues and conflicts within and amongst states or parties. Thus, one may observe that the role of the human actors as parties to an issue or a given conflict, their identities and the role of institutions perhaps also act as theory’s limitation, and it is this reasoning due to which there is yet to emerge a general theory of social constructivism of reality. Thus it could be assumed that the theory of constructivism is merely confined as a philosophy or a perspective based on theory, rather than an approach to and for the study or practice of international relations. On one hand, the theory of constructivism provides for a fruitful insight otherwise ignored by traditional theorists of international relations. At the same time the theory of constructivism also allows for an alternative framework, even though the same is theoretical in both perspective and practice in the arena of international relations.(Reggie, 1998) The international relations theory of constructivism could well be summed up to include the states as being the primary units of analysis in international political theory. Furthermore, the theory of constructivism gives importance to the relationships of the various actors, including institutions within a given state, rather than focus on the material aspect, as is the case in theory of realism as one example. Another vitally importance aspect of the theory of constructivism is that it gives importance to identities and interests of a state, as also stated in the preceding lines, and somewhat overrides the role of, or system of human nature, or for that matter domestic politics in the realm of international relations. (Wendt,1994, pg.385) The theory of constructivism also offers a combination of social theory of knowledge where the involvement of all the relevant actors/players to an issue or conflict are a requisite, as well as somewhat rejects an individualist approach and theory of action, as is the case in, for example the theory of realism. Then there is the analysis of power in explaining the theory of constructivism, where theorists of constructivism argue that the distinction of the levels of observation and that of action, followed by a reflexive link between the two levels is central for a better understanding of the said theory. (European Journal of International Relations, 2000, pp.147-182) International Relation Theory of Liberalism Unlike the above-discussed theory of Realism, the international relations theory of Liberalism placed emphatically value and importance to international organizations, multinational corporations, Institutions as well as political parties of a given state. Thus, the role of such international organizations as the United Nations Organization, The International Monetary Fund, Transnational corporations to the likes of Shell, institutions such as The Papacy†, and to a certain extent political parties in a state are acknowledged as active players in the wider arena of international relations. In addition, the international relation theory of Liberalism also places broad perspective to such age-old ideas as Wilson Ian Idealism and contemporary neo-liberal and democratic peace thesis. It could also be implied that Liberalism places the value of a state as one actor amongst the different actors, as also stated in the preceding lines. Thus, allowing a state to fully cooperate with and through institutional mechanisms and use bargaining as one of the means to peacefully arrive at solving solutions and protecting interests of the respective state. (Wendt, 1992) Brief Historical Background The above sections of the dissertation briefly discuss some of the dominant theories in international relations the world over, as well as provide an insight on the international relation theory of Realisms â€Å"as a case study. The theory of Realism was chosen since it has become somewhat of a standard theory policy for majority of the western governments, with particular reference to the United States of America. In our present dissertation of Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and forthcoming discussions on the different approaches by both the United States of America as well as the European Union group of countries, it is only imperative that the said conflict be briefed in its entirety. Researchers and analysts the world over have described the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as the War of Two Rights, and rightly so, as it is the precise description which best affirms as well as defines the basic set of principles of humanity on which the conflict continues to date. Both the major partners to the conflict, the Jews and the Palestinians follow their own perspectives, ideals, and common history which has led them to become partners to one of the most volatile and complex of all present day conflicts on the globe. A glimpse on the regions history reveals that there exists a number of causes, issues, and factors which have fuelled, marred, as well as served to escalate this volatile and complex of conflicts over a period of more than 5 decades; the first vote to partition Palestine was casting 1947 marketing the beginning of the present day conflict. Though the singular event of creating a homeland for the Jews in areas that each party claims as their right was primarily between two distinct religions, Zionism and Islam, the conflict today has widened to include people of the same region/land (Palestine), same religions, and similar culture. Thus, one may observe that there are distinct branches of Muslims (Lebanese Shiite and Lebanese Sunnis) and Christians (Jews and Lebanese Christians), all of who follow their own ideals, set of principles and characteristics within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In addition, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict today divides not only the major religions, it also includes and is more than influenced by countries as far off as the United States of America, European Union group of nations and the Soviet Union. This is not to mention the alliances, support and sympathies from equally diverse cultures and regions of a number of countries around the world for both the major parties to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Jews and the Palestinians.(Shapiro, 2005; Lynn, 1993) Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Historical Dateline in Brief A brief historical background to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals that it can well be dated back to the 1800s, a period when the Jewish populations across Europe were facing severe persecutions. The answer to these persecutions led the Jews to a political movement, namely Zionism, in turn allowing them to move towards their biblical Promised Land. This was perhaps the beginning and establishment of a Jewish homeland within Palestine. The period prior to 1920 shows that the present day lands of Israel, all of the Occupied Territories of Gaza, and the West Bank were within Palestine. Yet the influx of Jews from across Europe commenced tensions within the entire Palestine, which later on turned and escalated into one of historys longest ever conflicts. The period of World War I, in particular the year 1916 witnessed the British Empire collaborating, and somewhat convincing various Arab leaders to revolt against the Ottoman Empire in return for support of, and the establishment of an independent Arab state which included Palestine. The British Empire, however did not keep its promise, and only a year later in 1917, announced its support for the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine. This historic turn of events was done by Lord Arthur Balfour, the then British Foreign Minister, as also naming the event as The Balfour Declaration of 1917. The Balfour Declaration of 1917, in turn opened up a new era of tensions between the Israelis and the Palestinian people, somewhat forcing the British Empire to enforce a mandate over the entire Palestine. This mandate spanned from 1920 to 1947. This was also period during which World War II was coming to an end, and the formation of the United Nations was on the anvil of the globe. One of the most severe implications and in-human acts perhaps never witnessed in all of previous human history were the atrocities committed against the Jews at the hands of German leadership, a series of events that forced majority of the western countries to support and bring the Jews to areas that today comprise of the state of Israel, and the occupied territories. Also termed as the Holocaust, the atrocities against the Jews at the hands of the Germans, virtually confirmed their place in the present days regions of Israel. Thus, it would not be wrong to deduce that the Holocaust was one of the primary factors for the formation of the state of Israel. The end of World War II, and the newly formed United Nations then witnessed a move to bring about peace in the Middle East. This was done through the formation of two states, and the internationalization of state of Israel. Palestine was thus partitioned and Israel formed on May 14, 1948. The establishment of a separate state for the Jews also witnessed majority of the Arab states rising in opposition. Among the states in Middle East who rose to oppose the establishment of Israel included Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Trans-Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Egypt. Yet, all these states were defeated at the hands of Israeli army. The Israelis were thus successful in securing a homeland, while the Palestinians were left without a state. An important event in the historical perspective of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the Arab-Israeli war of 1967. The war of 1967 was a pre-emptive strike by the Israelis against Egypt, Syria, and Jordan. Though it was presumably an pre-emptive strike, yet the objective was perhaps to take over the territories of Golan Heights bordering and under the control of Syria, the West Bank bordering and under control of Jordan, and the Gaza strip from Egypt. History is evidence to the fact that Israel more than doubled its territories in this Arab-Israeli War of 1967. It is also one of the crucial issues, which have served to prolong the said issue from being resolved, or for peace to become permanent in the said issue. Later attempts by a number of countries of the Middle East including the United States, such as the joint attacks on Israel by Egypt and Syria in 1973, and the Camp David Accord of 1978 duly sponsored by the United States, and which involved top leaders from both Israeli and Palestine, failed miserably. The 1978 Camp David Accord however did accomplish an ally in Egypt, while the Arab world in general felt loss, as vast areas of disputed Palestine still remained unresolved and disputed. The entire decade of 1980s, the 1990s, and well to the end of the20th century witnessed the emergence of the Palestine uprising, also known as the Intifada, and continued violence in the regions of occupied territories, where the young Palestinians in particular came out on the streets, at times with nothing more than sling shots and stones. At other times, with suicide bombings which left scores of Israelis killed and injured. In response, the Israeli too responded with a result that both sides suffered numerous casualties. The Oslo Peace Accord of 1993, though was an attempt to strike a peace deal forth Palestinians, yet this event, similar to earlier attempts to prove to be a one sided affair. As critics have continuously termed the Oslo Peace Accord to have largely benefited the Israelis more than it did for the Palestinians, as the accord has allowed the Israelis control over land, water, roads, and other necessary resources. As of the present day scenario, Israel today has some of the most advanced and superior military in the region, including both high techmilitary equipment, arms industries, and to top it all, nuclear capability matched only with the largest powers in the world. All this has been possible with economic and military assistance from the United States of America. Aside from the unilateral role of United States of America for the state of Israel, the role of the United Nations too has been critical, as two UN Resolutions, namely UN Resolution 242 and 181both have called for return of all lands captured in the 1967Arab-Israeli War, both of which are yet to be implemented, leaving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict unresolved as ever. (Shah, 2001) The US Involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict A brief on the involvement of the United States of America in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals that the US first collaboration was witnessed when the United States supported the United Nations in the establishment of the State of Israel on May 15, 1948. With the United States of America taking over as the principle ally for the Jews, the British mandate (1920-1947) came to an end. Ever since the establishment of the State of Israel was declared, the United States has continued to support Israel in practically all areas of Israeli economy. According to various studies, the state of Israel has been one of the largest beneficiaries of US aid ever since its establishment in1948, which according to estimates has today reached some 3 billion dollars annually. One of the most significant aspects of US involvement, in the historical perspective, has been the unilateral support provided to Israelis during the 1956 debacle of Suez Canal. In the said debacle, Israel US and EU Approaches Towards Israeli-Palestinian Conflict US and EU Approaches Towards Israeli-Palestinian Conflict The discipline of International Relations is both an academic as well a public policy arena, which emerges from political science. It is the subject and channel of International Relations, which adequately addresses a foreign policy of a state within the confines of an international system. International relations also take into account role of international organizations, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), as well as multinational companies/corporations. Since the primary objective of international relations is both an analysis as well as formulation of a foreign policy, it could either be positive, or normative. In order for a foreign policy tube either positive or normative, it has to inculcate such diverse areas and subjects as political science, economics, history, law, philosophy, area studies, sociology, cultural studies, and a number of other social sciences; hence its utility for both analysis as well as formulation of foreign policy. In addition, it also includes and addresses such varied set of issues as economic development, foreign aid, environmental movement, nationalism, nuclear proliferation and human rights. However, for international relations to be practically applicable, effective, or at the least in the realm body of ideas, there are various theories, which ultimately lead us to the real world of policy. International relations theories thus provide a set of guidelines allowing us to agree to, as well as arrive at shaping better international outcomes. In addition, international relation theories allow for a better understanding of world events, and wherever necessary, provide for better solutions to the numerous issues and problems faced by the world community. One may also note that any theory, including the various international theories may not provide for answers to all the problems and issues faced by the world community; yet they do provide and assist us in first thinking about and then finding probable and the most viable solutions to the horde of problems and issues faced by the world community. At the onset, international relation theories can and do provide us with alternatives, and possibly even anticipate the various courses of international events in the global spectrum of politics. Some of the most common and practiced international theories include â€Å"Constructivism, Institutionalism, Marxism, and Neo-Gramscianism. Yet, the most dominant international theories, or rather the schools of thought which have been practiced in international politics include the international theories of Realism and Liberalism (Walt, 1998, p29. Introduction Having briefly touched upon the subject of international relations and international relation theories, the following dissertation will strive to address the said two disciplines within the context of one of the past centuries most disputed international issue; the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The dissertation will thus address this pressing international issue from the perspective of various international theories, with a particular focus on the different approaches taken by the United States of America, and that taken by the European Union. For a better understanding of the different perspectives and approaches taken by the United States of America and the European Union respectively, it would only be imperative that an equal and in-depth study the various international relations theories be also made part of this dissertation. The study of the more dominant, if not all the international theories becomes all the more importance as both the United States of America and the European Union group of nations each follow a somewhat different set of strategies in their international relations. The same is true for Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as both the United States of America as one international player, and the European Union group of nations as the second major player each address, view, and practice more than just a passing difference to one of the present days most pressing international conflict. As the present dissertation addresses the primary subject of the recent different approaches of the United States of America and the European for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular, and the Middle East Peace Process in general, it would only be imperative to commence the paper with the respective international relation theories, and through the study of these theories, present how respective international relations theories have influenced the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The following dissertation will thus strive to address the various international relation theories in brief, namely the theories of ‘Realism, Liberalism, and Constructivism,’ Though all these international relation theories enjoy their distinct places in international relations and politics, the theories of Realism and Constructivism are the ones that are practiced more commonly. Since these two theories comprise and are considered standard policy, the same will comprise of majority of the discussion in the present dissertation. The international relations theory of realism being the most widely practiced, and the fact that it is this vital theory that has been at the helm of most, if not all US foreign policies, the same has also been adopted by majority of nations friendly with the United States, or have been her allies at one time or another. This will be followed by a discussion of the second most vitally important international relations theory, that of ‘Constructivism’. It is this theory of constructivism that has largely been pursued by majority, if not all the European Union nations. The primary distinction between the theory of realism and that of constructivism is that, the theory of realism premises on the realist approach, as the term so states. On the other hand, the theory of constructivism largely relies on softer modes of communication, negotiation, socialization, and pursuit of ends through peaceful measures. The dissertation will then proceed with discussions on both the United States and the European Union nations, and address the perspective and approach taken by each on the issue of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in light of the pertinent international relations theory. Some of the Dominant International Relation Theories In Brief  International Theory of Realism One of the primary topics to be discussed in the present dissertation is the role or perspective of the United States of Americano the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and show whether the United States is influenced by ideas from the international relation theory of â€Å"Realism. In this context, it would only be imperative to present brief on the international relations theory of Realism, some of its key assumptions, and then arrive at the US approach respectively. A brief on the international relations theory of Realism reveals that it has often been associated with German terms of real and realitatimplying substantive or as the term so states real; and politikimplying politics or policy. Both these terms were perhaps first coined by one of Germanys leaders in the earlier part of the 20thcentury, Bismarck. In his attempts to bring about a suitable balance of power amongst the various European states, Bismarck sought peace as one of the most viable solutions in the then Europe of the earlier 20thcentury. Bismarck was aided by a number of realpolitik practitioners â€Å"who worked equally hard to avoid an arms race in Europe. Bismarck’s efforts however did not bear any fruit, as the early part of the 20thcentury witnessed arms race amongst the various nations of Europe, as well as formation of various alliances culminating in one of humanity’s first ever global tragedies, that of World War I. Some of the principle theorist of the international theory of â€Å"Realism â€Å"includes Carr, Kenneth N. Waltz, and Hans J. Morgenthau. However, it was Morgenthaus Politics Among Nations, which perhaps formally systemized classical Realism. According to Margenthau, there exist six principles, which he outlined in his famous book, Politics Among Nations. These six points are presented in the first chapter of his above said book. These vitally important facets of Morgenthau’s Theory of Realism are: International relations †¦is governed by objective laws that have their roots in human nature. The key consideration †¦is the concept of interest defined in terms of power’. †¦Interest defined as power is an objective category which is universally valid, although its exact meaning may change with time and circumstance. While moral principles have a place, they cannot be defined identically at every time and place, and apply differently to individuals and the state. The moral aspirations of a particular nation†¦ are not moral laws that govern the universe. Politics is an autonomous sphere that needs to be analysed as an entity, without being subordinated to outside values (Morgenthau, 1973,Chapter 1) International Theory of Realism In-depth studies on the international relations theory of Realism â€Å"reveal that there exist a number of primary assumptions, which guide the followers, or practitioners of the Realism theory. One of the first assumptions of Realism theory is that the entire international system is anarchic implying that that is the state alone is the supreme authority, and no other state or states can or have the capacity to regulate the affairs of another state. The theory of Realism further assumes that any higher supreme authority cannot dictate a state, and that there is no existence of any world government. This implies that each state must strive to create relations with other states on their own, instead of being dictated to do so. The theory of Realism â€Å"further assumes that there is no role for any international organization, non-governmental organization, or multi-national corporation in the affairs of the state, and that the sovereignty of astute governs all the international affairs. Thus, following the assumptions of the theory of Realism, a state is a rational actor amongst the community of global nations, and will always strive toward sits self-interest, which in turn call for ensuring the state’s security. Continuing with the theory of Realism, the same state will take all measures to secure its status as a sovereign nation including but not limited to amassing of resources, and relations with other states to be determined by the respective level of power enjoyed by the other state/s. The level of power in turn is assessed from the respective states economic and military capability. Perhaps the most stringent assumption inherent in the international relations theory of â€Å"Realism is its belief that states are inherently aggressive, and further that a states economic or military expansion can only be limited by the powers of the opposing state. (Waltz, 1964; Karl et al,1969; Mearsheimer, 1994) A further insight into the international relation theory of â€Å"Realism shows that it is divided into two sub-schools of thought, namely maximal realism and minimal realism. The first sub-school of realism, the maximal realism asserts that a state enjoys the status of the most powerful entity in the world, and that all other states ‘align themselves with this powerful state, and that too in their own interest and out of political necessity. The theory of maximal realism further assumes and somewhat asserts that, if there are two equally powerful entities in the world, it presents an unstable international political scenario. A prime example to this respect is that of period of Cold War between the Soviet Union and the United States of America. According the maximal theory of Realism, such a situation will eventually lead to a stable international situation where one entity or state becomes more powerful, while the other into a less powerful entity respectively. (Waltz, 1964; Karl et al, 1969; Mearsheimer, 1994) The second sub-school of Realism, that of minimal realism ‘assumes that the smaller and less powerful entities or states will align themselves with the most powerful entity in the world, and this would be brought about to protect the interests of the smaller and less powerful states from the interests of the larger and single most powerful entity or state. The theory of minimal realism also assumes middle policy where two equally powerful states exist, and where the smaller and less powerful states may align themselves with either of the larger powerful state. The choice of selecting one of the larger and powerful states depends on the smaller states policies of the moment. This also implies that the smaller state may remain aligned with both the powerful states at the same time, yet pursue and align with one state keeping in view the interests and policies on a given area of politics, issue, or social problem. (Waltz, 1964; Karl et al,1969; Mearsheimer, 1994) International Relations Theory of Neo-Realism There exist yet another school of thought, one that is termed sane-realism. This was first coined by Kenneth N. Waltz in 1979, and was in fact an attempt at reformulating the original theory of ‘Realism in a modern and scientific perspective. One of the most works of Waltz was The Theory of International Politics, which aimed to rid the original theory of Realism of its defects. The Neo-Realism ‘school of thought, with Waltz as one of its first proponents assumes and addresses the international relations in terms of the various ‘structural properties of the international system’ which focuses on the distribution of power. The Neo-Realism theory in international relations somewhat rejects the variable of human nature in both times of war as well as peace. The neo-realism theory also neglects domestic politics of a given state, which is perhaps the darkest element of this theory. Neglecting domestic policies of states in turn paves the path for conflict and move towards war, both of which are primarily detrimental to the respective state as well as its populations. In addition, neo-realism theorys primary assumption that the international system is anarchic, as also reiterated in the opening lines of theory of realism, further confirms the theorys own assumptions that conflict and war cannot be avoided. In times of anarchy, as are the assumptions of the neo-realism theory, states pursue goals of security, either through self-help such as amassment of economic and military resources, or through the formation of alliances with those who enjoy the status the most powerful states in the world. However, the pursuit of security goals for a particular states through the neo-realism theory, whether through self-help, or through the alliances with other organizations both is somewhat practical for a short period only. As this theory does not provide a permanent solution to the security needs of that respective nation simply due to the ‘security dilemma where each state is witnessed to ever vigorously pursue attempts to improve its security, in turn provoking other states to do the same. The result of such conflicting approaches is none other than an insecure state, a condition that originally prompted the state to take or adopt policies according to the theory one-realism respectively. (Waltz, Theory of International Politics) Yet another equally negative element of the neo-realism theory is its rejection of international institutions, which normally serve as regulators of state behaviour as well as promotion pdf peace. According to the theorists of neo-realism, the international institutions are entities of self-interested great powers. The role of international institutions as per the theorists of neo-realism is limited to reflection of, instead of providing a concrete shape to the existing distribution of power in a given state. Furthermore, it is the balance of power and its pursuit, which holds true for followers of neo-realism theory. For the governance of, and pursuit of accomplishing a balance of power, the greater and more powerful entities or states acquire both the economic means as well as military strength/power. When both the said tools too are presumably insufficient, the strategy of forming alliances with stronger and more powerful powers is then pursued(Waltz, 1964; Karl et al, 1969; Mearsheimer, 1994) International Relations Theory of Constructivism The theory of Constructivism is also an important theory practiced in the arena of international relations with places particular emphasis on identities, norms, and culture in world politics. The theory of Constructivism thus allows for identities and interests of states to be used as tools for interactions, as are institutions, norms, and cultures utilized. The importance is therefore given to the different processes, rather than the structure of different actors and institutions not only for interaction, but also for arriving at peaceful means and resolutions of equally varied issues and conflicts in the realm of international relations, (Wendt, 1992). Constructivism as an international theory also explains the role of human consciousness in addressing the various problems and conflicts in the international arena of politics. Thus, one may note that the human action including the human capacity as well as the will of the respective people are duly utilized in order to nurture a deliberate attitude and highlight the significance of a given issue, such as our subject conflict of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It is the combination of the said human capacity and the will which in turn are responsible for the creation of social facts, or aspects which are dependent on the consensus of a given human agreements including but not limited to money, sovereignty and property rights respectively. The international relations theory of constructivism also explains the importance of identities and interests of the different parties to an issue or a conflict, and the fact that these parties or actors music-exist and share common factors as cultural beings. The said different parties also includes the state as one of the social actors, which in turn is bound to follow both international and domestic rules. The state in turn has to follow certain set or rules, norms, institutions, and identities, and thus allow the international relations theory of constructivism to offer new concepts for addressing and perhaps even resolving given issues and conflicts within and amongst states or parties. Thus, one may observe that the role of the human actors as parties to an issue or a given conflict, their identities and the role of institutions perhaps also act as theory’s limitation, and it is this reasoning due to which there is yet to emerge a general theory of social constructivism of reality. Thus it could be assumed that the theory of constructivism is merely confined as a philosophy or a perspective based on theory, rather than an approach to and for the study or practice of international relations. On one hand, the theory of constructivism provides for a fruitful insight otherwise ignored by traditional theorists of international relations. At the same time the theory of constructivism also allows for an alternative framework, even though the same is theoretical in both perspective and practice in the arena of international relations.(Reggie, 1998) The international relations theory of constructivism could well be summed up to include the states as being the primary units of analysis in international political theory. Furthermore, the theory of constructivism gives importance to the relationships of the various actors, including institutions within a given state, rather than focus on the material aspect, as is the case in theory of realism as one example. Another vitally importance aspect of the theory of constructivism is that it gives importance to identities and interests of a state, as also stated in the preceding lines, and somewhat overrides the role of, or system of human nature, or for that matter domestic politics in the realm of international relations. (Wendt,1994, pg.385) The theory of constructivism also offers a combination of social theory of knowledge where the involvement of all the relevant actors/players to an issue or conflict are a requisite, as well as somewhat rejects an individualist approach and theory of action, as is the case in, for example the theory of realism. Then there is the analysis of power in explaining the theory of constructivism, where theorists of constructivism argue that the distinction of the levels of observation and that of action, followed by a reflexive link between the two levels is central for a better understanding of the said theory. (European Journal of International Relations, 2000, pp.147-182) International Relation Theory of Liberalism Unlike the above-discussed theory of Realism, the international relations theory of Liberalism placed emphatically value and importance to international organizations, multinational corporations, Institutions as well as political parties of a given state. Thus, the role of such international organizations as the United Nations Organization, The International Monetary Fund, Transnational corporations to the likes of Shell, institutions such as The Papacy†, and to a certain extent political parties in a state are acknowledged as active players in the wider arena of international relations. In addition, the international relation theory of Liberalism also places broad perspective to such age-old ideas as Wilson Ian Idealism and contemporary neo-liberal and democratic peace thesis. It could also be implied that Liberalism places the value of a state as one actor amongst the different actors, as also stated in the preceding lines. Thus, allowing a state to fully cooperate with and through institutional mechanisms and use bargaining as one of the means to peacefully arrive at solving solutions and protecting interests of the respective state. (Wendt, 1992) Brief Historical Background The above sections of the dissertation briefly discuss some of the dominant theories in international relations the world over, as well as provide an insight on the international relation theory of Realisms â€Å"as a case study. The theory of Realism was chosen since it has become somewhat of a standard theory policy for majority of the western governments, with particular reference to the United States of America. In our present dissertation of Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and forthcoming discussions on the different approaches by both the United States of America as well as the European Union group of countries, it is only imperative that the said conflict be briefed in its entirety. Researchers and analysts the world over have described the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as the War of Two Rights, and rightly so, as it is the precise description which best affirms as well as defines the basic set of principles of humanity on which the conflict continues to date. Both the major partners to the conflict, the Jews and the Palestinians follow their own perspectives, ideals, and common history which has led them to become partners to one of the most volatile and complex of all present day conflicts on the globe. A glimpse on the regions history reveals that there exists a number of causes, issues, and factors which have fuelled, marred, as well as served to escalate this volatile and complex of conflicts over a period of more than 5 decades; the first vote to partition Palestine was casting 1947 marketing the beginning of the present day conflict. Though the singular event of creating a homeland for the Jews in areas that each party claims as their right was primarily between two distinct religions, Zionism and Islam, the conflict today has widened to include people of the same region/land (Palestine), same religions, and similar culture. Thus, one may observe that there are distinct branches of Muslims (Lebanese Shiite and Lebanese Sunnis) and Christians (Jews and Lebanese Christians), all of who follow their own ideals, set of principles and characteristics within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In addition, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict today divides not only the major religions, it also includes and is more than influenced by countries as far off as the United States of America, European Union group of nations and the Soviet Union. This is not to mention the alliances, support and sympathies from equally diverse cultures and regions of a number of countries around the world for both the major parties to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Jews and the Palestinians.(Shapiro, 2005; Lynn, 1993) Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Historical Dateline in Brief A brief historical background to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals that it can well be dated back to the 1800s, a period when the Jewish populations across Europe were facing severe persecutions. The answer to these persecutions led the Jews to a political movement, namely Zionism, in turn allowing them to move towards their biblical Promised Land. This was perhaps the beginning and establishment of a Jewish homeland within Palestine. The period prior to 1920 shows that the present day lands of Israel, all of the Occupied Territories of Gaza, and the West Bank were within Palestine. Yet the influx of Jews from across Europe commenced tensions within the entire Palestine, which later on turned and escalated into one of historys longest ever conflicts. The period of World War I, in particular the year 1916 witnessed the British Empire collaborating, and somewhat convincing various Arab leaders to revolt against the Ottoman Empire in return for support of, and the establishment of an independent Arab state which included Palestine. The British Empire, however did not keep its promise, and only a year later in 1917, announced its support for the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine. This historic turn of events was done by Lord Arthur Balfour, the then British Foreign Minister, as also naming the event as The Balfour Declaration of 1917. The Balfour Declaration of 1917, in turn opened up a new era of tensions between the Israelis and the Palestinian people, somewhat forcing the British Empire to enforce a mandate over the entire Palestine. This mandate spanned from 1920 to 1947. This was also period during which World War II was coming to an end, and the formation of the United Nations was on the anvil of the globe. One of the most severe implications and in-human acts perhaps never witnessed in all of previous human history were the atrocities committed against the Jews at the hands of German leadership, a series of events that forced majority of the western countries to support and bring the Jews to areas that today comprise of the state of Israel, and the occupied territories. Also termed as the Holocaust, the atrocities against the Jews at the hands of the Germans, virtually confirmed their place in the present days regions of Israel. Thus, it would not be wrong to deduce that the Holocaust was one of the primary factors for the formation of the state of Israel. The end of World War II, and the newly formed United Nations then witnessed a move to bring about peace in the Middle East. This was done through the formation of two states, and the internationalization of state of Israel. Palestine was thus partitioned and Israel formed on May 14, 1948. The establishment of a separate state for the Jews also witnessed majority of the Arab states rising in opposition. Among the states in Middle East who rose to oppose the establishment of Israel included Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Trans-Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Egypt. Yet, all these states were defeated at the hands of Israeli army. The Israelis were thus successful in securing a homeland, while the Palestinians were left without a state. An important event in the historical perspective of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is the Arab-Israeli war of 1967. The war of 1967 was a pre-emptive strike by the Israelis against Egypt, Syria, and Jordan. Though it was presumably an pre-emptive strike, yet the objective was perhaps to take over the territories of Golan Heights bordering and under the control of Syria, the West Bank bordering and under control of Jordan, and the Gaza strip from Egypt. History is evidence to the fact that Israel more than doubled its territories in this Arab-Israeli War of 1967. It is also one of the crucial issues, which have served to prolong the said issue from being resolved, or for peace to become permanent in the said issue. Later attempts by a number of countries of the Middle East including the United States, such as the joint attacks on Israel by Egypt and Syria in 1973, and the Camp David Accord of 1978 duly sponsored by the United States, and which involved top leaders from both Israeli and Palestine, failed miserably. The 1978 Camp David Accord however did accomplish an ally in Egypt, while the Arab world in general felt loss, as vast areas of disputed Palestine still remained unresolved and disputed. The entire decade of 1980s, the 1990s, and well to the end of the20th century witnessed the emergence of the Palestine uprising, also known as the Intifada, and continued violence in the regions of occupied territories, where the young Palestinians in particular came out on the streets, at times with nothing more than sling shots and stones. At other times, with suicide bombings which left scores of Israelis killed and injured. In response, the Israeli too responded with a result that both sides suffered numerous casualties. The Oslo Peace Accord of 1993, though was an attempt to strike a peace deal forth Palestinians, yet this event, similar to earlier attempts to prove to be a one sided affair. As critics have continuously termed the Oslo Peace Accord to have largely benefited the Israelis more than it did for the Palestinians, as the accord has allowed the Israelis control over land, water, roads, and other necessary resources. As of the present day scenario, Israel today has some of the most advanced and superior military in the region, including both high techmilitary equipment, arms industries, and to top it all, nuclear capability matched only with the largest powers in the world. All this has been possible with economic and military assistance from the United States of America. Aside from the unilateral role of United States of America for the state of Israel, the role of the United Nations too has been critical, as two UN Resolutions, namely UN Resolution 242 and 181both have called for return of all lands captured in the 1967Arab-Israeli War, both of which are yet to be implemented, leaving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict unresolved as ever. (Shah, 2001) The US Involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict A brief on the involvement of the United States of America in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals that the US first collaboration was witnessed when the United States supported the United Nations in the establishment of the State of Israel on May 15, 1948. With the United States of America taking over as the principle ally for the Jews, the British mandate (1920-1947) came to an end. Ever since the establishment of the State of Israel was declared, the United States has continued to support Israel in practically all areas of Israeli economy. According to various studies, the state of Israel has been one of the largest beneficiaries of US aid ever since its establishment in1948, which according to estimates has today reached some 3 billion dollars annually. One of the most significant aspects of US involvement, in the historical perspective, has been the unilateral support provided to Israelis during the 1956 debacle of Suez Canal. In the said debacle, Israel

Friday, October 25, 2019

Politics of the people Essay -- Analysis, South American Politics

Politics of the People touches on a multitude of topics discussed this term. The article brings to light the issues in South America. Specifically in the Amazon, surrounding big oil companies, the destruction of land and environment, and the destitution of the people of Ecuador and how the people and NGO's have taken action to fight it. In this territory of the Amazon according to Judith Kimerling, â€Å"the oil spills and contamination of this region of Ecuador equal or supersedes those of the 1989 Alaskan Exxon Valdez oil spill.†(81). What this means is that this area has been polluted greatly and since 1993 the inhabitants of this territory have been fighting big oil. The land is unusable with that level of pollution. This land has been taken over by OCP's which are large pipelines running through the land to transport oil, this is a fantastic example of the industrialization of a 3rd world country. An NGO by the name of Accion Ecologica was one of the groups that early on spoke out in recognition of the devastation happening to the land. The devastation of the land in Ecuador reminds me of a film about fracking I saw and how the people who lived on the land were the first to notice the problems with big companies taking over the natural resources. In the article they spoke of â€Å"large flames that soar through the sky, creating an immense heat and loud, searing noises.†(82). This is just one example of the inconvenience of the developing oil company in the Territory. Additionally the people live on this land have been speaking out and noting they are having health problems and that it is spreading to the animals, one man's home was destroyed by an explosion of a pipeline behind his home (82). Due to these extreme concerns ... ...with. Lastly the companies that go to these lesser countries to mass produce whether it be oil or denim do so because the laws are less strict and they see a loop-hole around taxes and fees and environmental laws. In the Texaco/Chevron case â€Å"Chevron's attorney argues that the local communities should blame their government†(90). I think that the people are already blaming their government but the at the end of the day the oil companies are to blame too. The goal of this whole ordeal was to â€Å"raise awareness among its partners about the struggles of other around the globe† (92). I would deem their goal as successful, and as oil companies continue to make mistakes whether it be bypassing human rights and environmental rights knowingly or just have neglected equipment and back up plans in case of a spill like in the gulf coast, the people of the world are aware now. Politics of the people Essay -- Analysis, South American Politics Politics of the People touches on a multitude of topics discussed this term. The article brings to light the issues in South America. Specifically in the Amazon, surrounding big oil companies, the destruction of land and environment, and the destitution of the people of Ecuador and how the people and NGO's have taken action to fight it. In this territory of the Amazon according to Judith Kimerling, â€Å"the oil spills and contamination of this region of Ecuador equal or supersedes those of the 1989 Alaskan Exxon Valdez oil spill.†(81). What this means is that this area has been polluted greatly and since 1993 the inhabitants of this territory have been fighting big oil. The land is unusable with that level of pollution. This land has been taken over by OCP's which are large pipelines running through the land to transport oil, this is a fantastic example of the industrialization of a 3rd world country. An NGO by the name of Accion Ecologica was one of the groups that early on spoke out in recognition of the devastation happening to the land. The devastation of the land in Ecuador reminds me of a film about fracking I saw and how the people who lived on the land were the first to notice the problems with big companies taking over the natural resources. In the article they spoke of â€Å"large flames that soar through the sky, creating an immense heat and loud, searing noises.†(82). This is just one example of the inconvenience of the developing oil company in the Territory. Additionally the people live on this land have been speaking out and noting they are having health problems and that it is spreading to the animals, one man's home was destroyed by an explosion of a pipeline behind his home (82). Due to these extreme concerns ... ...with. Lastly the companies that go to these lesser countries to mass produce whether it be oil or denim do so because the laws are less strict and they see a loop-hole around taxes and fees and environmental laws. In the Texaco/Chevron case â€Å"Chevron's attorney argues that the local communities should blame their government†(90). I think that the people are already blaming their government but the at the end of the day the oil companies are to blame too. The goal of this whole ordeal was to â€Å"raise awareness among its partners about the struggles of other around the globe† (92). I would deem their goal as successful, and as oil companies continue to make mistakes whether it be bypassing human rights and environmental rights knowingly or just have neglected equipment and back up plans in case of a spill like in the gulf coast, the people of the world are aware now.

Thursday, October 24, 2019

Porter’s Model Approach for Rice Industry

Why should Vietnam develop rice production as its competitive advantage? Rice is one of the leading food crops in the world with 85% of its production accounted by human consumption (The Importance of Rice, 2011). Rice is also the most important crop to millions of small farmers who grow it on millions of hectares throughout the region, and to the many landless workers who derive income from working on these farms. In the future, it is imperative that rice production continue to grow at least as rapidly as the population, if not faster.The world’s annual rough rice production will have to increase markedly over the next 30 years to keep up with population growth and income-induced demand for food (The Importance of Rice, 2011). In Viet Nam, rice plays an important role in national food security and political stability. Rice also has a direct effect on social security because it is consumed by a vast majority of the total population and is an important source of income for more than 60 million people living in agriculture and rural areas. Rice is the country’s main crop, accounting for more than 90% of total cereal production.Since the 1990s, the volume of rice exports has risen dramatically, making Viet Nam the second largest rice exporter in the world. Nevertheless, serious food security concerns in the country remains. Pockets of poverty and malnutrition persist more in remote areas and among ethnic tribes (Asian Development Bank, 2012 p. 01). Average food per capital has been increased rapidly, but inequally among regions: In 2007, Mekong is 1,075 kg, South Central Coast 287 kg; the North West 217 kg and the Central Highland 174 kg (the variation between the Mekong and the Central Highland is 6. 17 times)(Nguyen Vu Hoan, 2010 p. 3). Furthermore, rice industry is critical in the Vietnamese’s sustainable economic environment. Rice export helps increase foreign currency inflows and capital accmulation for the industrialization modernization process of the country. Specifically, the increase in rice export volumn means a growth in national incomes, in turns, a growth in national GDP. Realizing rice’s significance and the various threats, the government does not only seek solution but also plays an important role in the international rice market, and consequently, in the food security of the international communityThe factorial determinants Land is the first and foremost production material in rice cultivation. The soil fertility dominates profoundly the intensiveness ability and production prices. According to a survey of the Agriculture Ministry, land area with agriculture capability is above 10 million hectares, in which 8. 5 million hectares are suitable for rice cultivation (The Necessity of Vietnam’s Rice Expor, 2011). Therefore, land resource in Viet Nam has advantages in both intensive and extensive farming.In addition, the climate is ideal for rice due to the combination of humidity and stormy wea ther. Also, the canal and river systems spread densely throughout the country, especially the three major rivers including Red, C? and Nine Dragons Rivers, which provide farmers with huge amount of water. These natural conditions helps create a solid foundation for rice industry in Viet Nam. The human resource is another factor contributing to rice production. 50% of national labour force participates in farming with broad knowledge and experience passed down by their ancestors (Asian Development Bank, 2012 p. 1). The Vietnamese culture has been attached deeply to rice cultivation; consequently, the people possessed various compatible skills with the particular weather conditions in Viet Nam. The amount of research and development carried out has been considerable. Many new rice varieties have been introduced offering much higher yield than the old ones. Besides, new production model has been applied and used successfully in boosting productivity, together with efficient irrigation system.Advanced drainage, aluminum, salt removal techniques are deployed to improve rice quality (Asian Development Bank, 2012 p. 02). Viet Nam is the country to have cheapest cost of production within South-East Asia, especially in Mekong Delta – cheapest in the world. This creates price competitiveness for Vietnamese rice in both domestic and foreign market (The Competitiveness of Agricultural Products in the Context of Joining AFTA, 2003). The infrastructure system is continually upgraded to help make use of every source efficiently.The Government is currently working with foreign countries especially Australia. The two nations are carrying on several projects on projects: build Cao Lanh Bridge; Mekong Delta infrastructure and Vietnam Rural Energy Distribution to provide efficient delivery of power service by power companies; also a Southern Coastal Corridor connecting between Viet Nam, Thailand and Cambodia. As soon as these instructions go into operation, many efforts ca n be made to exploit potential benefits that have not yet been seen (AusAid, 2013). The overnment also concerns about the educational and health level of people from rural areas. The systems of school at all levels are being constructed new, upgraded and temporary primitive schools and classes are being eliminated. Besides, rural health care system continues to be enhanced quite comprehensive, truly becomes the rural residents’ crucial initial health care system, growing both in terms of number of health stations, qualification of health service providers as well as the physical facilities. (Agricultural and Fishery Situation in Vietnam, 2011). The Demand ConditionsAs the Viet Nam’s economy has been growing, leading to higher living standards especially in big cities, the demand for consumption goods is rising including rice. Moreover, people get access to high quality rice both from foreign and domestic market. Therefore, a potential growth in demand for superior qual ity rice is obvious and people will turn to other rice exporters like Thailand if its rice quality is higher. However, domestic production can take over the rice market by producing high quality rice with lower prices based on new production model and continuous innovation in machinery and rice varieties.If the rice industry can successfully address this sophisticated demand, it can exploit profits from high-end market both domestically and internationally by producing much higher value-added rice. The Up and Downstream Industries The upstream industries supporting rice production include machinery, fertilizers and pesticides. The government realized the importance of these industries so it implemented policies to encourage investment on R&D and facilities. Vietnam has recently working on a project building a huge milling house with capacity of 100,000 tons per annum, in Mekong Delta region (Huynh Xu TTXVN, 2013).Also, the collaboration of many agriculture scientists and experts has resulted in eco-friendly fertilizers and pesticides using green recycled components, helping paddy field to grow more quickly. The packaging industry is in the downstream process in rice production. In order for the rice to be in the market, it must be packed properly first. An automatic packaging line is being used in many rice processing factories. The government does realize the benefit packaging could bring especially in marketing, value added function and brand perception. It is now encouraging competition among package production firms for a higher quality packaging.Rice manufacturers also cooperate with the packagers on their own packaging designs. The structure of the industry and its rivalry The economic units are mainly dominated by small-scaled farmers and there is significant land fragmentation. Theoretically, there is no competition among cooperatives. However, due to the fact that the whole rice production process is managed by Agriculture and Rural Development Minist ry and its regulations and standards put on the farmers to produce high quality rice, the Vietnamese rice competitiveness is considerable relative to other countries’.Moreover, the pressure to compete with other big rice exporter drives manufacturers to continuously upgrade their production model. The other contributing factors Chance Joining WTO provides several opportunities for rice exports. First, WTO is a big playing field offering a huge market including one for rice consumption as before Viet Nam became member of WTO; rice is limited in participating in global market. Besides, many enterprises have access to advanced technology in rice production.Secondly, a complete law system has been introduced in order to be able to join WTO, which encourages foreign investment funds since the other countries think Viet Nam has a m? e stable environment. Finally, there will be no unfairness in case of conflictions as the WTO’s commerce policy is applied to Vietnam ensuring o ur rights in international playground (Rice production situation after joining WTO, 2009). Wars are still big issues in many regions of the world and will continue to be. And food security is at stake in these particular areas. Vietnam’s rice export can become one of the major sources for food during instabilities.Government Policy The authorities also play a crucial role in influencing the nation’s competitive advantage. Regarding the supply side, Viet Nam’s Government has implemented multiple measures to boost production including decollectivism (xoa b? ch? nghia t? p th? ) transforming land and production materials to household system; agricultural R&D involving one third of the S&T government budget to support hybrid rice varieties for farmers; access to credit provided by Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development and favoured loan interest rate granted to farmers (Dang Kim Son, 2011).The government, being aware of rice industry’s significance, has b een putting huge investment and concern about this and will continue to do so In foreign trade, policy such as removing export quotas has encouraged foreign investors. Besides, control is still be made over export contract registration as well as conditions to rice export enterprises to ensure rice quality. In conclusion, the rice industry is promising due to several factors both from Porter’s model and from outside sources.The human, natural, knowledge resources are all favourable to rice production in the first place. Not to mention other factors namely demand, supporting industries, chances and government policy, these are essentially supporting the growth of rice industry though there are plenty of efforts to be made to exploit them. It is wise to take into consideration that making rice the nation’s competitive advantage. This does not only help the Viet Nam’s economical growth but also ensures its stability in far future.

Tuesday, October 22, 2019

Models of Organized Crime Executive Summary Essay

Within the criminal justice field there are two different types of organizations and those organizations are called bureaucratic and patron-client organizations. Now, throughout this paper the team is going to discuss the many different reasons as to why and how the bureaucratic and patron-client organizations are different. With that being said, some of the basic differences are basically the fact that the patron-client organizations are basically referred to as the organizations that choose to break the law and on the other hand, the bureaucratic organizations are the ones that are there to enforce it. Even though there are many differences between these two organizations there are also some things that they have in common. This paper will identify so many more ways that make these two unique types of organizations different. The Patron-Client ModelThe difference between patron-client model and bureaucratic model is that patron -client organizations are operated by an individual who is considered as the â€Å"boss.† The organization is structured as a family who has a tight bond and demonstrates trust and loyalty to each other. According to Collins 1975, â€Å"patrimonial elites are more ceremonious and personalistic† (Abadinsky, 2007). The role of the patron (boss) is to â€Å"provide economic aid and protection for the client, in return the client shows appreciation by performing necessary duties that are order by the patron. The patron controls the resources of the business and sets up all contact meetings for the client. Within the patron-client model the patron has the power to generate income by networking with other clients who are involved in criminal activities such as, drug trafficking, fraudulent activities and money laundering. A particular geographic area or industry is dominat ed by the patron and his organization. He also has a network of informants and connections, with the police and other officials and with those who are involved in specialized criminal operatives (Abadinsky, 2007). The Bureaucratic ModelWhile assuming that in the world crime things are done the same and the goals are the same for all involved, but this is not the case. The bureaucratic model runs like a cooperation that has CEO’s down to the line workers. In the bureaucratic model they deal with crime on a larger scale and maintain members from a selective group. Unlike the patron-client  model they are not necessarily related to the members and establish close relationships. Responsibilities are usually carried out in an impersonal manner and they maintain an extensive division of labor (Abadinsky, 2007). The orders come from the top and are distributed to the next in command to enforce the orders. Everyone has his or her place in the business and are recruited based on the skill level (Abadinsky, 2007). The hierarchy is one of the main operations of the business. Each member must understand the chain of command in order to carry out the task at hand without question. Once an organization has grown to a size that requires more persons qualified to carry out the expectations the operations develops standard rules and regulations. These are essential for the structure of the organization to run smoothly and every member of the organization will know how the duties are to be carried out. In the event that a member violates the rules the organization will not simply fire them but they will eliminate the person. The organization cannot afford to have a former member expose the operation; this would create a level of venerability for the group and the chance of apprehension is emanate. In conclusion, a patron-client network or organization is one of two contrasting organizational models; the other would be the bureaucratic/corporate model. This paper has discussed the differences between the two models. To recap, â€Å"Patrimonial/patron-client networks characterize most American Mafia groups and the military is an example of a bureaucratic organization and a bureaucracy is the mode of organization that is essential for efficiently carrying out large-scale tasks and Patrimonial/Patron-Client Networks fear of compromised communications makes many aspects of the bureaucratic model impractical for criminal organizations† (Abadinsky, 2007). Understanding organized crime is importatnt because it gives the government the ability to know how they work so that the governement can stop them. Reference Abadinsky, H. (2007). Organized Crime. 8th ed. Balmont.Ca Thomas/Wadsworth.